“What is Indigenous food sovereignty? What are the salient features that distinguish it from the wider food sovereignty movement in Canada?” 

Food sovereignty is the right of people to eat culturally and healthy food that is made through ecologically sound and sustainable methods. Indigenous food sovereignty refers to such type of approach or policy that highlights the needs toward the procedures that enhance and give access to safe, inexpensive, and healthy food to people. In countries, such as Canada it is observed that healthy food is becoming a barrier that is faced many indigenous people living in some cities such as Winnipeg. The city is well known for its vast food deserts, yet the security issues related with the food has become one of the urgent needs for the economic, social, cultural and healthy living for indigenous people. Also in some of the urban areas especially those residing in the inner-city places there are required some important and significant elements related to the food security and the cultural ethics. For indigenous people getting a cultural food that is healthy at the same time is becoming a challenge (Grey & Patel, 2015).  
The term of the indigenous food sovereignty has become a major point not only to analyze the different aspects, but also has brought political changes in the food movements. Regarding the Canadian policies toward the indigenous food the movement has become quite explicit and it is observed that such types of movements become more consonant. Recently this movement has also covered a wide range of situations, positions, interferences and struggles with the food system. This shows that food sovereignty movement is based centrally in any part of the city and some times is built within the groups of people that have their own decisions about the food system. It becomes a way about talking regarding the systems practices. As people are different in different groups so one can expect the decisions of food sovereignty in different contexts. The current paper will also explore some of the salient features of food sovereignty movement in Canada that is seen to be engaged in the advancements of indigenous rights in Canada.
The food sovereignty movement in Canada shows the context of Indigenous struggles in North America. Cidro, et. al (2015) argues that the movement focuses on the  continuation of anti-colonial struggles that happened even in post-colonial contexts. Such type of examination also stands out in the indigenous politics and helps to problematize the various notions of food sovereignty and post coloniality. The movement also poses some pointed questions that revolve around the gender for indigenous struggles.
                To address Indigenous concerns, then, we assert that the politics of the wider food sovereignty movement is obliged to expand beyond the familiar bundle of rights that attach to production and consumption, since the resurrection of Indigenous traditional foods and food systems is inextricable from a more general Indigenous cultural, social, and political resurgence. An examination of food sovereignty alongside Indigenous struggles thus reveals a key theme: that food sovereignty is the continuation of anti-colonial struggles in ostensibly postcolonial contexts. The dialogue between food sovereignty and Indigenous politics is not a one-way street. We find that food sovereignty raises questions of gender politics within Indigenous struggles, while probing lingering issues of solidarity in food politics across Indigenous-Settler divides. Collectively, these insights highlight an overlap between the projects and processes of settler colonialism and those of neoliberal development. We find that decolonization is not a static end-goal that orders strategies and tactics, but rather a daily mode of resistance—a form of food systems practice informed, in equal measure, by a vision of democratic engagement and historical experiences of resistance

                Food sovereignty is the peoples’, Countries’ or State Unions’ RIGHT to define their agricultural and food policy, without any dumping vis-a`-vis third countries. Food sovereignty includes: • prioritizing local agricultural production in order to feed the people, access of peasants and landless people to land, water, seeds, and credit. Hence the need for land reforms, for fighting against GMOs (Genetically Modified Organisms), for free access to seeds, and for safeguarding water as a public good to be sustainably distributed. • The right of farmers, peasants to produce food and the right of consumers to be able to decide what they consume, and how and by whom it is produced. • The right of Countries to protect themselves from too low priced agricultural and food imports. • Agricultural prices linked to production costs: they can be achieved if the Countries or Unions of States are entitled to impose taxes on excessively cheap imports, if they commit themselves in favour of a sustainable farm production, and if they control production on the inner market so as to avoid structural surpluses. • The populations taking part in the agricultural policy choices. • The recognition of women farmers’ rights, who play a major role in agricultural production and in food. (Via Campesina 2006, emphasis added)
                As an aspirational project Indigenous self-determination contains both ideological and practical elements; it can in theory, and does in practice, take on a number of forms. A variety of proposed paths assemble under this rubric, and while each plots a unique destination, all such end-points are fundamentally related. Even restricted to an outcome, selfdetermination presents a continuum of expressions, stretching from the most substantive to the most procedural.
                In an Indigenous context, food security is mostly discussed for remote, rural communities. However, food insecurity also exists in urban centres for Indigenous communities. The Environics Institute found that 44% of Indigenous people in Winnipeg felt that it was important that future generations know about traditions pertaining to food (Environics Institute 2011). Food security, as defined by the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations "exists when all people, at all times, have physical, social and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life" (FAO 2010, 8). The four pillars of food security-access, availability, utilization, and stability of supply take on unique characteristics in an Indigenous (Power 2008) and urban (Mundel and Chapman 2010) context.
                Many of the health issues and inequalities Indigenous peoples face today can be directly linked to colonization, the brutal dispossession of homelands, globalization, migration, and culture and language loss. U.S. and Canadian policies legalized this cultural assault that was further intensified by socioeconomic and political marginalization along with racial prejudice, which, too, was often institutionalized. A feedback loop is also embedded here; the more we learn to restore local food practices, the more likely we are to defend those practices, and the stronger our cultural ties to our homeland become. If we choose this course of action, we can simultaneously engage both the resurgence and resistance elements of a decolonization movement. Our survival will depend on it.

Annotated Bibliography
Rudolph, K. R., & McLachlan, S. M. (2013). Seeking Indigenous food sovereignty: origins of and responses to the food crisis in northern Manitoba, Canada. Local Environment, 18(9), 1079-1098
Indigenous communities in northern Canada (i.e. that region of the country that is north of the 50th parallel) are facing a food crisis brought about by the introduction of processed foods and a decrease in the consumption of healthy land-based foods due to environmental decline, restrictive policies, and cultural change. Food sovereignty, thus, contrasts strongly with food security and its supply-side emphasis, a construction that, in turn, generally ignores how power relations determine favoured production, distribution, and consumption patterns within a dominant food system that promotes high-input, intensive production methods

Pulla, S. P. (2016). Critical reflections on (post)colonial geographies: Applied anthropology and the interdisciplinary mapping of indigenous traditional claims in canada during the early 20th century. Human Organization, 75(4), 289-304. 
Ultimately, it is up to Indigenous communities to decide how to engage with or disengage critically from countermapping practices. Scholars and practitioners engaged in these exercises should continue to reflect on and question their roles in the production of these cartographic representations of Indigenous space and culture and be open to the possibilities that together we can continue to contribute to profound forms of geographical justice to address issues of racial inequality, political marginalization, and militarization 

While collective selfdetermination has been linked to increased health and wellness for Indigenous communities,2,10 relatively little attention has explored its role specifically for urban Indigenous communities. This exploratory study points to the role that traditional health care can play in increasing self-determination for urban Indigenous peoples at an individual level, but there is a need for increased attention to the actualization of collective self-determination in urban communities, and its relationship to traditional health care.

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